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PRICE  10  CENTS. 


THE  JUDGE  PUBLISHING  CO., 

*    33  Parh  Itow,  Xew  York, 


Copyright  i88S.  uv  1  mf  Im.  k  P: 


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GROVER  THE  GIANT-KILLER  UNDERTAKES  A  BIG  CONTRACT. 

Grovek  Ci.KVEi.ANi>-  "  I'vc  Undertaken  tu  kil!  all  three,  and  s*>  I  will  if  they  don'l  kill  me/'' 


•  •  •  . 

•  •  •  J 


PROTECT  US  FROM  JOHN  BULL. 


EDITORIALS    FROM   ''JUDGE." 


BY  THE  HON.   JAMES  ARKELL. 


MUST  BRITANNIA  RULE  THE  TARIFF? 

Joint  Bull. — "  Sam,  don't  you  know  since  you  have  spread  out  more 
on  your  plantation,  and  have  put  in  so  many  miprovements,  and  fjotten 
some  credit  for  putting  down  the  rumpus  of  some  of  your  tenants  who 
proposed  to  divide  the  property  and  set  up  a  separate  ranch  of  their 
own,  that  you  are  getting  a  little  stifT  and  airish  ?  A  little  vain,  too, 
over  the  smart  reduction  of  your  war  mortgage,  and  the  considerable  in- 
come that  you  are  not  using." 

Uncle  Sam — "  Perhaps.     John,  does  it  trouble  you  ?" 

7.  li.—"  No,  not  exactly  troubles  me;  but  do  you  think.  Sam.  it  is 
quite  neighborly  and  right  for  one  member  of  the  family  to  allow  him- 
self to  be  threatened  with  this  dreadful  fatty  degeneracy  of  the  pocket 
without  asking  advice  for  its  removal .',  I'll  allow  you  have  worked  like 
Satan  ;  see  how  thin  you  are,  excepting  that  financial  swelling.  All  that 
is  needed  for  your  solid  prosperity  is  to  go  into  the  cheapest  market, 
even  if  it  be  a  foreign  one,  as  you  call  it,  for  your  wants." 

U.  Sam — "  See  here,  John  !  You  have  grown  pretty  well  otT  in  trade 
and  manufacturing.  You  never  were  much  on  farming,  because  you 
did  not  have  land  enough,  or  rather  let  a  great  lot  of  it  lie  waste  for 
shooting  and  hunting  ground.  Your  Christianity,  so  sadly  helpful  to 
Hindoostan  and  opiumized  China,  didn't  go  far  enough  to  let  your  own 
poor  have  any  of  the  spare  game.  While  you  preached  nicely  in  the 
pulpit,  you  kept  up  just  the  same  a  strong  picket  against  poaching. 
When  you  made  your  start  in  life,  didn't  you  begin  by  constructing  a 
taritr  bigger  than  any  since  thought  of  ?  Wasn't  that  the  way  you 
coaxed  the  best  carpet  makers  from  Holland  :  the  flnest  silk  weavers 
from  France,  and  started  your  potteries  in  Stafford.shire  with  foreign 
workmen  ?  You  found  coal  and  iron  not  far  apart.  They  naturally  were 
reasonably  close  together,  or  they  wouldn't  have  been  on  the  island. 


You  struck  copper  and  tin  pretty  plenty,  and  made  the  best  of  your  luck. 
So  altogether,  with  lots  of  labor,  plenty  of  minerals,  and  a  good  .still  pro- 
tection on  your  own  industries,  a  desperate  sharp  taste  for  trade,  ships 
more  plenty  than  plows,  and  more  sea  than  acres,  I'nn-idence,  a  great 
love  for  number  one,  and  some  pluck,  have  made  you  prosperous.  Bar- 
ter has  made  you  the  world's  banker,  and  a  banker  gets  all  the  richer  by 
putting  out  at  interest  other  folks'  money,  and  paying  little  or  nothing 
for  the  deposit.  John,  when  your  hive  began  to  swarm,  some  of  the 
workers  leaving  of  their  own  accord,  and  others  pushed  out  because  you 
made  it  too  hot  for  them,  you  tried  hard  to  fix  it  so  that  your  colonies 
should  gather  honey  for  the  old  bees.  You  haven't  forgotten  our  first 
difference  ?  Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  an  open  letter  on  the  subject ;  the 
world  read  it  and  remembers  it.  You  didn't  then  want  us  to  sail  a  boat 
(don't  think  you  do  now),  make  a  nail  or  build  a  factory,  and  demanded 
that  from  hat  to  shoe  you  should  do  the  making  and  we  the  wearing. 
Furthermore,  you  tried  to  padlock  our  lips  from  making  a  protest.  No 
wonder  we  revolutionized.  In  about  twenty  years  you  started  another 
fuss,  because  our  shipping  business  was  growing  unpleasant.  Fifty  years 
after  that  you  took  part  in  an  underhand  and  cowardly  way  in  our  do- 
mestic dispute,  and  tried  your  best  to  break  up  the  family.  I  don't  taunt 
you  of  this  ;  don't  care  about  it  now  anyway  ;  mention  it  only  just  to 
show  that  it  kind  o'  modifies  any  great  appreciation  of  the  sincerity  of 
your  advice.  You  see,  if  you  drive  a  nail  in  a  piece  of  timber,  no  matter 
if  it  is  pulled  out  again,  the  hole  is  still  left.  I  don't  know  that  I  blame 
you  for  wanting  to  do  the  most  of  the  trading.  It  is  easier  to  stand  be- 
hind the  counter,  and  more  profitable  than  walking  in  the  furrow.  It  is 
all  right,  your  preferring  to  run  the  factory  and  the  furnace  rather  than 
the  farm.  You  have  been  a  pretty  successful  banker,  and  probably  can't 
resist  a  hankering  desire  for  our  surplus.  Of  course  it  is  a  temptation, 
you  never  having  had  any  surplus  of  your  own.  That  which  bothers  me 
the  most  is  that  some  of  our  folks  are  so  credulous  and  short-sighted.  It 
is  queer  that  any  one  should  want  to  go  thirty-five  hundred  miles  for 
metals  and  material  we  have  in  plenty  and  close  by  ;  that  New  Y'ork  and 
Kentucky  editors,  a  lot  of  lawyers  or  Texas  ranchmen  or  plantation  over- 
seers, a  few  pulpit  men  or  college  professors,  or  a  graduate  in  Buffalo 
politics,  all  of  whom  know  little  or  nothing  of  practical  affairs,  should  be 


PROTECT  L'S  FROM  JOHN  BULL. 


duped  by  your  Jesuitical  adroitness  to  follow  your  counsels.  Let  me 
read  you  this  letter,  just  received  from  one  ot  your  own  workmen.  It 
tells  its  own  story  and  needs  no  comment  : 

"  '  London,  Enci.and,  iS6  Waterloo  Road,  March  28,  1888. 

"  'Dear  .SV>— Thanks  for  ihe  papers  you  have  sent  me.  I  was  in  America 
for  about  two  numths  last  summer,  sent  over  by  our  association  to  see  for 
myself  whether  the  workinf;  classes  of  your  country  were  belter  off  under 
protection  than  we  are  under  free  trade,  and  the  conclusion  I  came  to  was 
this  : 

"  '  That  any  person  who  has  to  earn  his  living  in  America  as  a  producer 
must  become  crazy  before  he  becomes  a  freetrader,  and  the  farmers  must 
be  the  craziest  of  the  whole  lot  to  think  of  such  a  thing.  Before  any  of  your 
working  men  (either  engaged  in  manufacturingor  agriculture)  talk  about  free 
trade  let  them  send  one  of  their  number  over  here,  to  see  what  it  is  doing  for 
this  country.  Let  him  walk  about  for  six  months  looking  for  a  job,  until  his 
coat  gets  ragged  and  his  shoes  get  thin,  and  he  gets  thinnest  of  all,  and 
everywhere  he  asks  for  work,  he  will  be  told  that  the  Germans  and  the  Bel- 
gians are  doing  the  work  cheaper  than  he  can  do  it  ;  then  let  them  send  for 
him  home  again,  and  hear  what  he  says  about  free  trade. 

■'  'If  it  is  the  surplus  revenue  that  is  causing  the  trouble,  send  ittosome 
free-trade  country.  You  never  knew  them  to  have  a  surplus.  Or.  if  you 
don't  like  to  do  that,  take  it  out  to  sea  and  sink  it,  or  bury  it.  or  burn  it,  or 
do  anything,  in  fact,  rather  than  adopt  free  trade — that  is  to  say,  if  you  do 
not  want  foreign  competition  to  ruin  your  manufacturing  industries,  and  by 
so  doing  ruin  your  farmers  by  robbing  them  of  their  home  market. 

"  'Yours  truly,  H.  J.   Poipikkk  (Electro-plate  worker), 

"  'Secretary  Workman's  Association  for  defence  of  British  industry.'" 

REVENUE   AND   TAXATION. 

Thkre  are  but  two  ways  to  procure  the  revenues  necessary  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  national  government.  One  is  to  directly  ta.x  the 
farm  land,  personal  property,  city  and  village  lots,  and  the  little  home- 
steads in  the  same  way  that  state  ta.xes  are  levied.  The  other  is  to 
collect  on  foreign  importations  a  tariff,  or  what  may  be  characterized  as 
a  "  pedler's  license,"  to  be  paid  by  the  foreign  salesman  before  hawking 
his  wares.  The  latter  is,  in  fact,  a  small  cash  compensation  for  the 
opportunities  of  the  market.  Partial  free  trade  partially,  and  absolute  free 
trade  wholly,  give  a  proportionate  advantage  to  the  European  producer. 

The  domestic  manufacturer  pays  home  taxes  on  real  estate,  ma- 
chinery and  stock.  Pays  to  the  town,  pays  to  the  county,  pays  to  the 
state,  pays  for  the  working  of  the  roads,  the  maintenance  of  schools, 
the  support  of  the  courts  of  justice,  and  all  the  machinery  of  the  gov- 


ernment of  the  state.  The  free  trader  proposes  wholly  to  donate,  with- 
out charge  or  cost,  our  market  advantages,  not  to  a  neighbor,  whose 
prosperity  and  gain  become  a  common  benefit,  but  to  a  trader  across 
the  sea.  He  further  proposes  to  sustain,  without  expense,  courts  of 
collection,  and  maintain  law  and  order  among  the  customers  to  whom 
he  sells  his  untaxed  goods.  In  this  way  free  trade  is  an  injustice.  It 
lifts  every  burden  from  the  profit-taker  and  places  it  all  on  the  back  of 
the  buyer.  Every  mill  or  factory  built  here,  every  living  house  for  the 
employee,  every  railroad  (short  or  long)  used  to  move  the  raw  or  made 
material,  every  open  coal  or  iron  mine,  every  furnace  for  smelting  ore 
or  fusing  glass  becomes  and  is  a  financial  honey-cell  filled  by  the  work- 
ers for  the  sustenance  of  every  men^bcr  of  the  hive. 

Is  there  any  business  sense  or  reason  for  us  to  give  our  advantages 
for  a  mere  mess  of  theoretical  Cobden-club  pottage  ? 

The  necessities  of  the  federal  government  call  annually  for  over 
§326,000,000  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  the  national  debt,  the  pay- 
ment of  pensions,  the  maintenance  of  the  navy,  the  support  of  our 
frontier  army  police,  to  pay  the  deficit  of  the  postal  service,  and  the 
vast  yet  necessary  corps  of  government  officials,  and  other  incidental 
needs  of  care-taking  of  the  interests  of  sixty  millions  of  people.  Thirty- 
five  millions  is  about  the  annual  income  from  the  sale  of  public  lands. 
The  remainder  (§292,000,000)  is  gathered.  §120,000,000  from  internal 
revenue  tax  on  whisky,  wines,  beer  and  tobacco,  and  the  balance  on 
customs  duties  on  the  importations  of  foreign  goods.  We  buy  annually 
§2 1 1  ,cxx3,ooo  worth  of  foreign  products  that  pay  no  tariff  tax  or  duty 
whatever.  We  buy  §16,000,000  of  taxless  tea,  §50,000,000  of  taxless 
coffee,  and  §2,000,000  of  taxless  lumber  in  the  log. 

The  Mills  tariff  reduction  bill  proposes  to  take  the  tariff  off  Cana- 
dian hay,  sawed  lumber,  and  Canadian  wheat.  It  proposes  to  niiike 
wool  free,  and  with  a  fanfaronade  of  Democratic  love  for  the  working 
man  points,  as  an  assurity  of  its  care,  to  the  cheaper  coat,  and  cheaper 
carpet,  made  of  foreign  wool,  on  foreign  looms.  Yet  of  the  §54,000,000 
worth  of  woolen  goods  imported  four-fifths  are  of  a  kind  that  the  labor- 
ing man  seldom  buys.  The  working  man  averages,  as  his  share  of  the 
federal  tax.  eight  cents  per  person  a  year ;  the  balance,  forty-seven  cents, 
is  paid  by  the  more  dudish  consumer,  per  head. 


THE    DECLARATION   OF    DEPENDENCE.  JULY  4th.   1888. 
The  Unconditional  Surrender  of  ihe  Anglo-Maniac  to  John  Bull. 


PROTECT    US    FROM    JOHN    BULL. 


The  people  of  the  United  States  pay  a  tariff  annually  of  $50,000,000 
on  sugar.  Sugar  is  not  confined  (like  expensive  wools  and  silks)  to  the 
using  of  a  limited  class.  Every  household  is,  in  proportion  to  its  num- 
ber, a  consumer.  Due  and  honest  regard  for  the  resources  of  the 
limited  wage-earner  would  call  for  the  complete  abolition  of  this  tax.  a 
tax  that  averages  eighty-six  cents  each  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  the  country.  Sugar,  however,  is  a  .southern  product,  and  needs  Demo- 
cratic protection.  Wool  is  northern,  and  the  farmer  is  again  called,  as 
in  the  days  before  the  war,  to  give  way  to  the  planter. 

Democracy  dreams  of  a  foreign  market,  contested  for  inch  by  inch 
by  the  cheap  capital  and  cheaper  labor  of  Europe.  The  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  proposes  to  make  free  only  such  products  as  we  can- 
not raise  or  make.  It  proposes,  before  seeking  a  foreign  market,  to  care 
for  the  nearer  and  more  certain  one  at  home,  to  keep  active  our  own 
capital,  and  supply  employment  to  our  own  labor. 


IS   THERE   A   SURPLUS.' 

If  an  individual  had  a  mortgage  on  his  estate  for  $150,000,  fifty 
thousand  dollars  due  in  three  years,  and  notes  out  for  thirty-five  thou- 
sand dollars  on  call,  with  one  thousand  dollars  on  deposit  to  meet  the 
demand,  and  only  that  amount  in  available  cash,  would  the  one  thou- 
sand dollars  be  regarded  as  a  surplus.'  Add  the  necessary  ciphers  and 
that  is  the  business  position  of  the  firm  of  Uncle  Sam  &  Company.  If 
the  creditors  holding  the  demand  notes  willingly  carry  them  and  have 
faith  in  the  solvency  of  the  firm,  is  the  firm  any  the  less  in  debt.'  Does 
the  giving  of  another  note  in  place  of  the  one  returned  relca.se  the 
debtor?  Does  the  renewal  of  a  note  pay  a  debt.'  Is  not  its  reissue  in 
every  sense  a  banking  process,  the  essence  and  spirit  of  which  is  to  use 
other  people's  money  without  paying  interest .'  It  is  a  foolish  financial 
infatuation  that  a  people  or  a  man  can  grow  rich  by  filling  his  pockets 
with  notes  given  to  himself. 

It  is  true  that  our  national  income  is  a  little  larger  than  our  outlay. 
We  must  remember,  however,  we  owe  in  greenbacks,  payable  on 
demand,  three  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars.    We  have  on  hand  to 


meet  the  possible  call  one  hundred  millions,  leaving  two  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  to  be  met  (if  ever  intended  to  be  redeemed)  by  our  possible 
income. 

Would  it  not  be  wise,  if  the  surplus  is  a  burden,  to  retire  green- 
backs enough,  by  paying  them,  to  absorb  it.'  Convert  the  first  one 
hundred  millions  into  certificates  of  cash  instead  of  promises  to  pay,  and 
turn  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions  into  the  same  as  fast  as  the 
surplus  of  funds  would  allow.  Or  it  may  be  wise  to  retire  these  evi- 
dences of  indebtedness  into  two  per  cent,  bonds  for  banking  security, 
or  certificates  could  be  issued  for  the  amount  retired,  representing  with- 
out additional  infiation  the  aggregation  of  silver  coin. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  in  1891  a  large  amount  of  the  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  will  begin  to  be  due  and  payable.  The  surplus 
will  then  take  care  of  itself.  The  fifteen  hundred  millions  of  indebted- 
ness then  commencing  to  be  payable  will  prevent  any  disturbing  accu- 
mulation. It  is  only  the  three  years  of  financial  spanning  we  have  to 
provide  for,  and  have  we  not  gold  and  silver  enough  for  the  ;ibiitnients 
of  an  honest  bridging? 

It  is  conceded  that  the  issuance  of  the  greenback  was  a  forced  war 
loan.  It  is  believed  by  good  and  careful  financiers  that  the  continuance 
of  a  forced  loan  in  times  of  peace  is  a  political  menace,  liable  !o  be 
abused  by  its  control  by  legislative  elasticity  to  dangerous  purposes  and 
ends.  A  gold  certificate,  or  a  silver  certificate  based  on  bullion  held  by 
the  government  as  a  security,  is  better  than  a  promissory  note.  No 
legislation  can  create  bullion.  Legislative  enactments,  however,  can 
make  promises  to  pay.  Would  not  this  go  far  towards  settling  the  silver 
muddle,  and  by  the  absorption  of  this  metal  as  a  basis  of  the  redemption 
of  its  certificates  so  diminish  its  menacing  abundance  and  enhance  its 
competitive  value,  as  iigainst  gold?  In  other  words,  the  white  metal 
(like  the  white  race)  would  assert  itself  as  superior  to  its  yellow  Mon- 
golian kin. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  more  dollars  per  head  than  any 
other.  The  purchasing  power  of  a  dollar  is  in  proportion  to  its  scarcity 
and  the  abundance  of  the  material  to  be  purchased.  The  purchasing 
power  of  a  European  equivalent  of  a  dollar  dep)cnds  upon  its  compara- 
tive scantiness  to  the  population.    Where  dollars  are  scare  and  labor 


.^l£"l 


.^A 


THE   WORKMAN   AND   THE   CAMEL-A   FREE   TRADE   FABLE. 

A  Camel  came  to  a  workman's  shop,  and  asked  to  be  allowed  to  enter  .t  for  warmth.     "  No,"  sa.d  the  workman,  "  there  is  not  room  for  us  both."     "  Well,"  pleaded  the  camel    "  just  let  me  put  my 
he.id  m  "    The  workman  assented.    No  sooner  did  the  camel  get  its  head  in  than  it  forced  its  whole  body  through,  and  drove  the  workman  out  into  the  cold. 


PROTECT  US  FROM  JOHN  BULL. 


plenty  a  few  dollars  command  a  large  amount  of  work.    Where  labor  is 
scarce  it  takes  more  dollars  to  command  its  service. 

The  present  surplus,  the  first  ever  accumulated  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  and  brought  about  by  the  Republican  policy  of  paying  a  debt  if 
you  owe  one,  is,  so  far  as  it  is  a  menace  to  public  security,  a  political 
bug-a-boo  and  a  financial  ghost  to  frighten  the  superstitious.  There 
can  be  no  surplus  when  you  owe  more  thin  you  have  and  your  debt 
is  due. 


LABOR   AND  PROTECTION. 

In  all  political  discussions  much  pulp  surrounds  the  kernel  of  the 
question,  a  very  bulk  of  amplitude  and  e.\cessive  in  its  abundance.  This, 
perhaps  by  its  very  conspicuity,  prevents  absolute  oversight  of  the  vital 
principle  it  envelopes  and  is  intended  to  shelter.  The  essence  of  a  polit- 
ical proposition  thus  hidden  in  the  pondcrousness  of  discussion  is  like 
an  apple,  for  an  illustration,  with  its  round  red,  waterproof  jacket,  its 
tightly-packed  globe  of  crystals  and  juices,  and  its  surrounding  atmos- 
phere of  perfume;  yet  is  all  this  snug  packing  of  sunshine,  all  this 
alchemy  of  root  and  .sap,  this  night  and  day  chemistry  of  blossoms  and 
leaves,  waving  their  pearly  and  green  fans  in  the  selected  air — is  this 
solely  for  the  toothsome  pleasure  of  the  eater?  Partly,  and  partly  only. 
This  girth  of  nutrition  is  nature's  protection  wrapped  around  the  seed, 
and  the  .savior  of  its  life.  This  sphere  that  rolls  down  the  hillside  to 
new  ground  is  helped  in  its  babyhood  by  this  guardianship  till  it  can 
feed  on  the  coarser  soil  and  has  strength  to  struggle  with  surrounding 
and  aggressive  growth.  Even  the  elm,  robust  and  sudwart  as  it  is, 
equips  its  progeny  with  leafy  wings,  and  sends  them  ofl  on  the  winds 
with  little  haversacks  of  food  and  a  canteen  of  fluid  to  feed  their 
earlier  life.  Nature  everywhere  and  always  gives  the  first  lesson  in  pro- 
tection, and  inexorably  executes  the  law  that  the  weakest,  or  the  least 
wary,  must  go  to  the  wall.     The  farmer  who  fences  his  fields;  the  house- 


holder who  guards  his  dooryard  ;  the  nation  that  fortifies  its  coast,  are 
protectionists.  Protection  is  selfishness.  In  the  individual  it  is  taking 
care  of  number  one.  In  a  government  it  is  caring  for  millions  of  num- 
ber ones.  A  competitive  struggle  of  peoples  is  like  a  competitive  struggle 
of  persons.  The  largest  amount  of  capital,  combined  with  the  largest 
amount  of  available  labor,  without  the  interpt)sition  of  any  construction 
(such  as  a  tariff),  will  win.  If  a  laborer  without  tools  engages  to  move  by 
the  handful,  for  a  certain  sum,  a  given  quantity  of  earth,  he  will  fail  as 
to  time  and  compensation  if  he  competes  with  one  who  has  a  wheel- 
barrow and  a  shovel.  The  tools  are  capital  with  labor;  the  bare  hand  is 
labor  alone.  European  manufacturers  have  the  double  advantage  of 
chea|>cr  capital  and  cheaper  labor.  They  arc  the  John  L.  Sullivans  who 
can  challenge  any  contestant.  F-ngland  has  been  trained  under  a  pro- 
tective tarif!  for  three  hundred  years,  until  its  capital  of  brawn  and  its 
abundant  muscle  of  plentiful  workers  enable  it  successfully  to  contend 
against  any  weakling.  It  should  be  remembered  that  all  real  values  de- 
pend on  labor.  The  scarcer  the  labor,  or  the  better  paid,  the  higher  the 
cost  of  production.  The  pinch  of  cotton  seed  dropped  in  the  soil  is  next 
to  valueless.  The  many  times  cultivated  plant  costs  labor;  the  picking 
is  labor;  the  ginning  out  the  seed  is  labor;  the  pressed  bale  is 
labor;  the  carload  is  labor — it  goes  over  railroads  built  by  labor  and 
is  pushed  on  rails  the  iron  ore  of  which  was  worthless  in  the  soil  till 
worked  and  rolled  by  labor;  the  spun  yarn  is  labor;  the  woven  fabric 
and  its  ornamentation  and  transfer  to  market  are  all  but  steps  of  labor. 
So  that  from  nothing,  or  near  to  nothing,  labor  wraps  the  valueless  ma- 
terial around  with  increa.scd  worth.  If  all  this  labor  be  abject  and 
jxiorly  paid,  so  poorly  paid  that  it  is  half  starved  and  half  clothed,  these 
values  are  the  less.  The  question  for  the  American  people  is.  Do  we 
want  such?  Do  we  need  such  cheap  woolens  that  they  will  shut  our 
own  factories  and  drive  the  sheep  from  the  farms?  Do  we  want  a  policy 
for  the  betterment  of  the  European  manufacturers,  to  the  closing  of  our 
own  mills,  and  by  this  closing  turn  into  the  already  full  ranks  of  labor 
such  a  surplu.sage  of  unemployed  as  will  lower  all  along  the  line,  and  in 
almost  every  calling,  the  wages  of  f)tlier  workers? 


WHY  ? 

American  WuifitWAM  (to^ohn  Bull)—"  Mr.  Bull,  if  Free  Trade  is  such  a  blessing,  why  are  your  agricultural  ioterests  in  such  a  wretched  condition?    Why  do  your  manufacturers  cry  out  for 
'  Fair  Trade,'  and  why  does  your  skilled  English  workman  come  to  this  Country  instead  of  the  American  workman  going  to  England  . 


lO 


PROTRCT    US    FROM    JOHN    BULL. 


THE  TARIFF  AND  THE  WORKER. 

The  first  and  final  proposition  for  serious  public  discussion  is  not 
what  may  be  of  partisan  advantage,  Democratic  or  Republican,  but  what 
is  for  the  national  good.     What  policy  is  an  American  policy.' 

The  citizen  grown  gray  is  apt  to  be  reminiscent.  The  younger, 
jubilant  with  new  blood  and  bearing  no  scars  of  previous  experience,  is 
hopeful  and  full  of  experiment.  Any  man  who  will  raise  his  party  banner 
higher  than  the  national  flag  is  not  a  patriot.  Under  the  protection  of  a 
common  law  an  act  is  not  a  crime  unless  it  intentionally  trespasses  on 
the  property  or  rights  of  another. 

A  public  policy  that  narrows  the  opportunities,  diminishes  the  chance, 
lessens  the  fair  compensation  of  the  worker,  restricts  the  power  of  eam- 
mg,  closes  the  avenue  of  common  comfort,  and  pauperizes,  or  tends  to 
pauperize,  the  masses,  is  a  policy  that  is  un-American. 

While  all  are  moved  by  the  latent  or  active  stimulus  of  selfishness, 
the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  in  the  end  is  the  wisest  and 
only  permanent  rule.  The  measure  of  a  nation's  prosperity  is  the 
capacity  of  national  consumption.  The  people  who  buy  the  most  sugar, 
wear  the  largest  amount  of  clothing,  consume  per  person  the  largest 
amount  of  meat  and  breadstuff,  show  the  ability  of  earning  before  pur- 
chase. 

Three  millions  of  the  four  millions  of  the  negro  race  when  held  in 
slavery  were  fed  on  bacon  and  corn;  now  the  seven  millions  of  black 
workers  are  purchasers  of  meat,  clothing  and  fiour.  Furthermore,  the 
ability  of  the  millions  of  those  occupied  in  productive  manufacturing 
pursuits  to  purchase  is  limited  by  their  {X)wer  to  earn.  When  American 
wages  by  European  competition  bring  our  workers  to  European  prices, 
the  genera'  prosperity  will.be  proportionately  narrowed.  The  man  who 
earns  fifty  cents  per  day  cannot  spend  a  dollar,  and  the  necessary 
European  modes  of  livmg  (meatless  soups,  cheap  clothing  and  scant 
fare)  will  follow  the  narrow  European  compensation.  Montana  and 
Dakota  will  then  miss  their  market  for  bread  and  beefsteak;  that  will 
follow  in  the  trough  of  free  trade.  While  unrestricted  immigration  is 
not  an  unqualified  good,  and  while  the  congestion  of  the  foreign  element 
in  our  great  cities  supplies  the  majority  of  our  criminals  for  punishment 


and  paupers  to  be  fed,  the  only  limited  benefit  that  could  come  of  free 
trade  and  lowering  of  wages  is  that,  bringing  on  both  sides  of  the  sea  the 
daily  earnings  to  one  common  level  of  lowncss,  the  temptation  of  Eu- 
ropean exodus  would  be  wanting.  The  influx  of  foreign  capital  has  been 
for  the  bettering  of  its  investment.  The  influx  of  foreign  labor  has 
been  stimulated  only  by  its  expectance  of  increased  compensation. 

An  eminent  English  statesman  once  cynically  said,  '■  The  only  ser- 
vice the  Irish  race  ever  rendered  England  was  to  emigrate  to  the  United 
States  and  vote  with  the  Democratic  party  in  favor  of  British  free 
trade." 


THE  TARIFF— OUR  GOOD  FRIEND  JOHN  BULL, 

Thk  committee  on  the  destruction  of  the  tariff  has  at  last  rung  up 
the  curtain.  The  farce  which  is  to  be  continued  has  just  begun.  Yet 
the  patriotic  posturing,  the  mimic  wisdom,  the  kindly  smiling  on  the 
south,  protecting  oranges  to  please  Florida,  sugar  to  keep  Louisiana 
quiet,  and  giving  free  cotton  wrap  and  bindage  to  the  obstreperous 
Carolinas,  and  at  the  same  time  attempting  an  amorous  leer  toward  Miss 
Columbia,  are  taken  by  the  cynic  audience  for  just  their  worth. 

The  free-trade  procession,  laden  with  gifts,  begins  to  move.  Liver- 
pool comes  first  with  a  salver  of  free  salt.  Saginaw.  Syracuse  and  Wyo- 
ming arc  waved  to  the  background.  Why  should  we  not  exchange  our 
white  dollars,  which  will  never  come  back,  for  this  cheaper  dug  salt,  and 
let  our  own  men  lie  idle,  and  our  mines,  thousands  of  feet  thick,  sleep 
untroubled  below  the  ground  ?  Here  is  Canada,  with  its  hewn  beams, 
sawed  boards,  and  shaven  shingles,  offered  a  free  market  of  sixty  million 
consumers,  for  the  coming,  so  that  the  lumbermen  in  Michigan  and 
Maine,  with  "occupation  gone,"  can  go  farming  or  fishing! 

"Cheap  John"  Hull,  loaded  like  a  Vulcan,  bearing  in  sheets  of  iron, 
sheets  tinned  and  untinned,  wrought  by  English  labor,  says  with  honest 
bluffness,  as  he  dumps  his  burden,  "This  is  the  key  to  lock  up  your 
Pittsburg  mills,  and  plug  the  new  tin  mines  of  Dakota."  Then  comes 
the  chemist  with  glycerine,  free  glycerine,  made  from  the  fat  of  the 
waste  carcasses  of  the  Argentine  republic,  to  displace  that  made  here  by 


FREE   (trade)   LUNCH. 
Grover  Cleveland  proposes  to  make  Free  Lunch  of  the  American  Worldngman's  Bread  and  Cheese,  for  the  benefit  of  European  Pauper  Laborers. 


la 


PROTECT  US  FROM  JOHN  BULL. 


the  growers  of  American  pork.  Here  is  free  beeswax  to  lessen  the  labor 
and  profit  of  your  aparians,  and  here  is  cement,  of  which  it  is  true  you 
have  abundant  quarries,  that  we  will  trade  you  for  gold.  Here  comes 
the  ranchman  from  the  pampas  of  South  America,  bringing  free  wool. 
This,  he  says,  may  displace  the  flee«es  you  raise  on  the  granges  of  the 
west  and  on  your  little  farms.  .  It  may  possibly  cheapen,  your  carpets, 
yet  if  by  diminishing  your  flocks  it  raises  the  cost  of  your  meat  you  are 
rich,  and  we  want,  with  the  help  of  our  Democratic  triends,  to  divide. 

The  procession  keeps  on.  Each  contributor  brings  larger  and  larger 
loads,  lightened  by  the  lowering  of  protective  duties,  and  by  their  large- 
ness adding  to,  instead  of  diminishing,  the  accumulation  in  the  treasury. 
The  manager  steps  to  the  front,  bows,  and  is  received  with  boundless 
European  applause.  The  importer  throws  up  his  hat,  wild  with  hopes 
of  profit.  The  Manchester  man  claps  his  cotton  hands,  and  the  Shef- 
field man  clangs  triumphantly  his  cymbals  of  iron,  steel  and  brass. 

Introduced  by  a  wave  of  the  presidential  hand,  John  Hull  steps  to 
the  footlights  and  thus  briefly  addresses  the  pit :  "  One  hundred  years 
ago,  my  children,  you  left  me  with  painful  abruptness.  Let  that  pass. 
I  have  tried  to  convince  you  that,  good  farmers  as  you  are,  it  is  wrong, 
if  not  foolish,  for  you  to  attempt  anything  else.  Two  or  three  times  my 
Democratic  friends  have  also  tried  to  convince  you.  They  purpose  to 
do  it  again.  I  can  make,  if  not  all,  almost  all  you  want.  My  laborers 
are  many,  and  my  work  is  cheap ;  your  laborers  are  few,  your  work  is 
too  costly.  My  quarrels  have  been  many  and  expensive.  France  had, 
you  know,  to  be  kept  within  bounds.  Russia  had  to  be  checked  and 
India  suppressed.  Ireland  still  troubles  me.  The  royal  family  must  be 
kept  up  at  a  cost  of  about  three  million  dollars  a  year.  It  is  a  very 
large  family  and  uncomfortably  expensive.  The  aristocracy,  while  purely 
ornamental,  is  a  luxury  I  still  must  indulge.  Then  there  is  my  navy 
(Secretary  Whitney  has  purchased  some  of  my  plans) ;  my  subsidies  to 
my  merchant  marine  are  larger  even  than  you  ever  gave  to  your  con- 
tinental roads,  and  my  armies  in  Hindoostan,  China,  Canada  and  Egypt 
call  for  an  outlay  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars.  These  expenses  are 
not,  I  know,  of  your  making.  Taxes  bend  the  backs  of  my  people.  Help 
lift  the  load.  I  beg  pardon  for  my  first  blunder,  also  for  trying  to  coerce 
you  in  1 812.    I  regret  that  I  endeavored  with  the  piratical  Alabama,  and 


in  various  ways  during  your  internecine  trouble,  to  divide  you.  Just 
now,  perhaps,  I  have  been  a  little  over-reaching  in  the  Canadian  fishery 
matter,  and  in  fact  I  forgot  you  had  any  rt-gard  for  your  flag.  This, 
however,  was  only  a  little  matter  of  oversight — and  trade.  Now,  step- 
ping on  your  shores  again,  with  the  permission  of  another  Democratic 
administration,  which  kindly  patronizes  my  ships  with  your  mails,  and 
is  also  helping  my  Canadian  Pacific  railroad,  I  will  conclude  by  saying, 
as  did  the  Prince  of  Orange,  when  as  William  thfc  Third  he  first  lanflcd 
on  English  soil, "  Mine  vriends,  I  come  for  your  good.  I  come  for  all 
your  goods.'  " 


TARIFF  AND  SURPLUS. 


It  is  self-evident  to  cverj'  considerate  man  that  the  administration 
hue  and  cry  about  the  surplus  is  intended  to  be  and  is  a  cover  for  some 
ulterior  purpose. 

At  any  time  during  the  present  Congress  the  accumulations  in  the 
treasury  would  have  ceased  had  the  leaders  of  the  majority  so  desired. 
Aside  from  taking  the  duties  off  alcohol  used  in  the  mechanic  arts,  and 
from  domestic  grown  tobacco,  giving  a  reduction  of  twenty-five  millions, 
the  lowering  the  tariff  on  sugar  would  decrease  it  thirty,  and  cancelling 
it  over  fifty  millions  additional.  The  poor  man  uses  as  much  sugar  as 
the  rich,.  Wealth  would  not  induce  its  owner  to  cram  himself  with 
sweets.  The  tariflf  taken  off  sugar  alone  would  lessen  a  family's  exjien- 
diture  a  dollar,  where  the  tariff  oflf  wool  would  help  it  only  a  cent. 

The  Mills  bill  lowers  the  duty  on  Axminster  carpets,  and  cancels  it 
on  statuary  and  on  pictures,  purchased  by  the  wealthy  and  never  by  the 
workingman.  It  gives  the  Standard  Oil  Company  and  the  great  meat 
canning  monojxjlies  tin  goods  free,  puts  northern  salt  on  the  free  list, 
and  still  protects  Louisiana  sugar  sixty  and  Carolina  rice  one  hundred 
per  cent. 

The  purpose  is  not  to  diminish  the  revenue  but  to  lower  the  tariff. 
Lessened  duties  stimulate  importation  tenfold,  and  will  increase,  as  they 
have  done,  the  income  from  customs.  The  surplus  growing  by  this,  in- 
stead of  lessening,  will  call  for  still  further  and  further  reduction  and 
successive  progressive  steps  towards  free  trade. 


HANDS   OFFl 

**  The  Democratic  Party  is  hastening  to  explain  that  it  lioesnU  wean  Free   Trade."" 
The  Coons—"  We  nebber  did  car«  fo'  ghick'ns  no  how.    We'se  Reformahs;  we  is!'' 


14: 


PROTECT    US    KROM    JOflN    BULL. 


The  whole  course  of  the  administration  has  been  a  series  of  experi- 
ments and  hedgings.  The  cant  delusions  of  civil  service  were  displaced 
by  the  acceptable  demands  of  political  heelers.  The  protective  element 
of  the  Democratic  party  has  been  ordered  to  the  rear.  Its  exponents 
have  been  humiliated,  and  its  leaders  degraded  to  the  ranks.  Mr.  Ran- 
dall—too honest  to  apostatize  for  the  speakership — stands  denounced 
and  disgraced.  Even  a  recruited  Mugwump  free  trader,  recently  polly- 
wogging  himself  with  obsequious  wriggling  into  the  Democratic  mud,  is 
of  more  influence  and  weight. 

For  fifty  years  free  trade  has  been  a  political  faith  and  inspiration 
with  an  active  section  of  the  Democratic  party.  The  cataclysm  of  the 
rebellion  prevented  its  control.  Now.  with  peace  inertia,  and  forgetful- 
ness,  this  faction  growing  dominant,  the  long  hidden  dynamite  or  its 
purposes  menaces  by  its  presence  and  its  possible  explosion.  Parties 
cannot  stand  still.  The  repellent  elements  gain  definiteness  and  strength 
and  urge  them  further  and  wider  apart.  The  protective  policy  and  its 
opposite  will  contend  to  the  extinguishment  of  one  or  the  other.  The 
destructive  fire  will  win,  or  the  protective  water  put  it  out. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  such  important  questions  of  national  policy 
should  be  submitted  to  a  jury,  largely  unintelligent,  and  moved  more 
largely  by  party  allegiance  and  prejudice,  while  labor  is  standing  idle, 
capital  is  waiting,  industry  is  agliast  and  enterprise  folds  its  hands  for 
the  verdict.  The  hazard  is  that  specious  and  delusive  pleadings,  inten- 
tional warpings  of  the  evidence  by  the  administration  attorneys,  whose 
retention  depends  upon  success,  may  win. 

Yet  it  does  not  seem  possible  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
can  be  forgetful  that  the  tried  Republican  policy — not  an  experiment, 
but  an  experience — has  given  it  so  unequaled  a  prosperity.  Notwith- 
standing war  and  debt,  and  personal  and  national  expenditure,  it  stands 
peerless  in  wealth  and  vigor,  and  unparalleled  among  the  nations  of 
the  world. 


DEMOCRACY  AND  LABOR. 
The  insincerity  of  the  Democratic  claim  to  lessen  the  load  of  the 
laboring  man  is  well  shown  in  its  legislative  policy.    No  family  in  the 
country,  no  matter  how  limited  in  resources,  but  is  a  consumer  of  sugar. 


Its  use  is  universal.  It  pleases  the  palate  and  replenishes  the  muscular 
waste  of  sixty  million  people.  Yet  ninety-five  pounds  out  of  every  hun- 
dred pounds  is  imported.  The  tariff  nearly  doubles  its  price.  Reduce 
the  duty,  or  make  sugar  free,  and  it  would  touch  every  tooth,  stomach 
and  pocket  in  the  land.  Sugar  is  an  important  item  of  expense  to  every 
laborer.  It  cannot  (any  more  than  salt)  be  more  largely  used  by 
a  wealthy  than  a  working  man.  The  partial  or  total  abolition  of  the  duty 
would  help  in  far  greater  proportion  the  poorer  than  the  prosperous 
man.  Premier  Mills,  however,  while  weeping  over  the  "  Republican  rob- 
bery of  the  po<jr,"  limits  his  philanthropy  to  tears.  Free  wool,  as  he 
looks  northward,  is  of  more  importance,  as  he  turns  his  eye  on  Demo- 
cratic Louisiana,  than  free  sugar. 

Late  and  long  as  the  session  of  Congress  is,  the  senate  will  offer  a 
substitute  for  the  Mills  billj  one  that  while  reducing  the  revenue  will  not 
lower  the  wages  of  American  workingmen,  but  will  care  equally  for 
American  employers  and  employees.  If  manufacturers,  according  to  the 
Democratic  theory,  "  grow  so  enormously  rich,"  let  it  be  American 
manufacturers  rather  than  F^uropean.  Wealth  gained  here  stays  here.  It 
will  build  houses,  endow  schools,  construct  hospitals,  be  expended  in 
improvements,  invested  in  railroads,  and  in  a  hundred  ways  give  wages 
for  work.  A  thousand  dollars  earned  and  staying  in  the  United  States 
is  better  for  us  all  than  a  thousand  dollars  transferred  to  the  other  side 
for  the  benefit  of  European  labor. 

The  English  manufacturers  and  mine  owners  arc  the  wealthiest  class 
in  the  world.  Yet  one  out  of  every  thirty-eight  of  the  people  of  England 
is  assisted  by  a  poor-tax.  The  average  capital  per  person  is  larger  there 
than  ♦lere,  conclusively  showing  that  the  aggregation  of  wealth  is  in 
fewer  hands. 

It  should  be  well  considered  that  when  ten  dollars  is  expanded  for  a 
suit  of  clothing  of  American  wool,  woven  by  American  labor  and  con- 
structed by  American  hands,  even  when  the  suit  is  worn  out  the  ten  dol- 
lars stays  with  something  of  the  gift  of  metalliferous  immortality,  and 
passes  from  hand  to  hand,  adding  to  the  conserved  wealth  of  the  country. 
If  the  ten  dollars  be  expended  in  making  a  purchase  in  a  foreign  land, 
when  the  garments  are  worn  out  the  ten  dollars  also  is  gone — gone  to 
that  bourne  whence  no  dollar  ever  returns. 


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BRINGING   FREE   TRADE   TO   THE   FARMER'S   DOOR. 


American  Farmers- 


ne   MiUs   Free   Traili  mil  includes    Vegetables.  Fruits,    Potatoes.  Hops,    Flax  and   Wool. 
•What  shall  -me  do?    We  cannot  compete  with  European  Cheap  Labor."       English  Importkr-'- Go  to  Europe  and  Fami-or  Starve  . 


le 


PROTECT  US  FROM  lOHM  HULL. 


FREE  TRADE  IN  PRACTICE. 

It  is  an  industrial  fact  that  agricultural  depression  becomes  national 
depression.  The  day  of  miraculous  manna  is  past,  and  no  sustenance 
can  now  be  had  for  the  picl<ing.  Labor  is  the  only  alchemist  that 
changes  soil  into  clothing,  food,  shelter,  comfort  and  art. 

This  continent  was  rich  only  in  raw  material  when  the  puritan  im- 
migrant landed  at  Plymouth  Rock,  and  the  English  cavalier  first  ruffled 
the  waters  of  the  James  River  in  Virginia.  Every  commercial  palace  in 
the  great  cities,  every  factory  with  its  machinery,  every  line  of  rail,  and 
every  message-wire,  every  turned  furrow,  every  shock  of  wheat,  every 
sphere  of  cheese  or  incasement  of  butter,  is  labor  crystalized  into  a  new 
shape.  The  diversity  of  this  force,  its  interchangeability  from  one 
shape  to  another,  and  its  surplusage  in  exchange  for  other  labor,  have 
made  this  country  a  wonder  to  itself  and  the  world. 

Any  industrial  policy  that  eases  the  lines  of  labor  and  makes  its 
every  motion  the  more  productive  in  beneficent  results  is  a  national 
good.  If  the  free  trade  doctrine  of  abject  foreign  labor  cost  of  goods 
be  the  best  for  the  people,  because  the  cheapest,  then  free  trade  is  right 
and  should  be  carried  to  its  conclusion.  Why  mine  iron  at  all  ?  Why 
weave  cotton  as  against  cheaper  competitive  Manchester?  Why  not 
buy  all  our  rails  in  Liverpool,  evaporate  all  our  salt  on  the  English  sea- 
board, import  coal  from  Europe  and  Nova  Scotia,  take  the  tariff  of  two 
dollars  per  ton  from  Canadian  hay.  the  fifteen  cents  from  Canadian 
potatoes,  the  ten  cents  on  barley,  the  twenty  cents  on  wheat,  the  eight 
cents  on  hops,  and  the  four  cents  on  butter,  and  get  our  supplies  where 
nature,  below  ground  and  above  ground,  is  lavish  and  labor  at  the 
lowest?  If  the  world  on  the  outside  is  hungry,  is  it  not  humanity  to 
throw  down  the  protective  fences  that  guard  our  fields  of  labor,  and  let 
the  herd  in,  even  if  this  philanthropy  starves  our  own  stock  ? 

The  greatest  land-working  peoples  are  the  Russian  and  the  Hindoo, 
yet  they  are  the  earth's  paupers.  Being  the  least  proportionate  home 
consumers,  they  are  amongthe  largest  contributors  to  the  grain  markets 
of  the  world.  Their  scant  industries  with  labor  (low  priced  because  so 
crowded,  so  cheaply  fed,  and  more  cheaply  clothed)  make  their  con- 
sumption of  the  fruits  of  the  farm  the  very  lightest. 


If  free  wool  cheapen  the  market  for  our  fleece,  and  will  (this  is  the 
theory)  enable  us  to  find  a  market  for  the  woven  wool,  why  is  it  this 
does  not  hold  good  of  cotton  ?  Cotton  bears  no  tariff,  and  is  of  our  own 
growth,  yet  where  is  the  market  for  our  looms,  as  against  this  same 
cotton  carried  across  the  sea  to  foreign  mills,  where,  with  their  cheaper 
capital  and  cheajier  workmen,  it  is  returned  here,  over-riding  the  tariff 
and  deluging  our  own  market  ? 

If  free  trade  be  good,  the  broader  it  is  the  better.  Why  not  lessen 
our  own  mines,  close  our  manufactories,  increase  the  number  of  our 
farms,  and  make  the  American  laborer  the  serf,  not  the  self-selected 
laborer,  of  the  world  ?  This  would  be  free  trade  to  its  ultimate.  This 
would  be  the  Democratic  blizzard,  so  hopefully  prayed  for.  that  would 
exhaust  us  all. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC   TARIFF   TRAIN. 

Thf,  renewal  of  the  old  Democratic  dodge  of  larifT  straddle  is  a 
failure.  Mr.  Cleveland's  attacking  protection  on  the  plea  that  its  reduc- 
tion would  cheapen  the  clothing  of  the  workingman  is  of  the  same  kind 
of  cant  and  for  the  same  personal  purpose  as  were  his  pledges  of  reform 
to  catch  Republican  votes.  His  late  anxious  contortions  for  continu- 
ance in  office  show  these  were,  from  the  Democratic  standpoint,  "better 
kept  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance." 

The  pro<:laimed  purpose  of  the  party  is  announced  by  its  honest  and 
outspoken  leaders  as  intended  to  reach  as  clo.se  as  possible  to  free  trade. 
This  cannot  be  accomplished  in  a  bound.  Like  a  railroad  train,  it  will 
halt  at  various  points,  change  crews  perhaps,  oil  up,  stop,  and  start  again 
and  again  until  it  reaches  its  destination.  To  continue  the  simile,  the 
presidential  conductor,  burly  with  egotism,  spangled  with  the  brass 
buttons  of  the  southern  livery,  rings  it  up  for  a  momentary'  pause  at 
Civil  Service  station,  and  then,  hurrying  off  with  a  laugh  at  the  gaping 
passengers  left  behind,  calls  out.  "  Next  stop  at  Hypocrite  depot ;  plenty 
of  time  for  assessments."  At  Garland  crossing  the  train  takes  in  fuel 
and  disgrace.  At  Bayard  Fizzle  and  Chamberlain  Gulch  the  English 
and  Canadian  crowd  greet  the  arrival  and  cheer  the  departure.     Rebel 


THE  TRANSFUSION   OF   BLOOD— A   PROPOSED   DANGEROUS  EXPERIMENT. 

The  Doctors  (to  American  lVorkingm<i»\~'  It  may  save  the  patient  but  it  is  bound  to  weaken  you,  and  if  the  experiment  is  a  failure  you  are  a  dead  man." 
Amekican  WoRKlNGMAN— "  Then,  gentlemen,  I  won't  try  it.    SeU-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  Nature  ! " 


18 


PROTECT    US    FROM    JOHN    BULL. 


Flag  curve  is  passed  with  anxiety;  Veto  valley  trestle,  bending  a  little 
under  the  strain,  is  safely  stilFened  with  fresh  confederate  shoring.  Pas- 
sengers are  required  to  show  Democratic  tickets,  properly  purchased 
and  indorsed,  or  get  off.  The  Cobdenite  newsboy  distributes  English 
advice  to  American  voters  on  the  delights  of  free  trade,  and  also  peddles 
pictures  of  the  beautiful  parlor  the  British  spider  has  fitted  for  the  fly. 

Altogether  it  is  an  ideal  Democratic  train ;  half  drawing-room 
coaches  for  the  planters,  and  half  emigrant  for  the  voters.  A  free-trade 
engine  in  front,  and  a  danger  flag  of  red  bandana  fastened  to  the  rear. 
Occasional  stops  at  flag  stations,  at  Harper's  mud  swamp  to  take  on  a 
resident  from  Curtis  crossing,  and  one  at  George  Jones's  Flats,  relieve 
the  obfuscation  of  travel.  These  illustrious  additions  are  quickly  urged 
to  the  buffet  car,  and  accorded  co:«()limentary  scats  with  the  "  not-now" 
very  hungry  or  very  thirsty  party.  Passengers  exchange  congratula- 
tions on  the  wonderful  speed  attained,  ignorant  that  it  is  a  down-grade 
and  that  gravity  as  well  as  the  engine  is  pulling. 

The  brief,  but  menacing  sadness,  bred  of  the  rumor  that  the  noble 
conductor,  on  account  of  "previous  pledges,"  would  leave  them  on 
reaching  Four  Year  Point,  was  happily  dispelled.  That  self-oblivious 
official  having  intimated  a  desire  to  be  still  led  into  temptation  and 
suffer  a  farther  martyrdom  of  personal  and  moral  s.ncrifices,  a  conven- 
tion of  his  train  appointees  and  brakemen  was  promptly  organized  in 
the  baggage-car. 

Laudatory  resolutions  were  framed  emphasizing  that  the  road,  rail 
and  ballast  were  npthing,  the  engine  was  nothing,  the  passengers  were 
nothing,  the  country  in  fact  was  nothing,  if  he  declined  to  guide.  These 
expressions  of  confidence  were  presented  with  appropriate  obsequious- 
ness on  a  red,  but  old,  pocket-handkerchief,  glorious  with  the  associa- 
tion of  having  been  unfurled  where,  years  ago,  traitorous  crowds  greeted 
it  as  its  holder  waved  it  in  denunciation  of  the  attempt  to  suppress  trea- 
son, in  vociferating  that  the  war  was  wicked  and  a  failure,  resumption 
was  a  farce,  and  protection  was  a  robbery. 


The  noble  conductor,  bending  to  this  pressure,  and  abstemiously 
alluding  to  himself  in  response  but  fifty  times,  and  incidentally  to  the 
party  and  country  once  or  twice,  acknowledged  and  bowed  to  the  coer- 
cive force.  He  expressed  himself  as  willing  to  suffer  for  fifty  thousand 
dollars  a  year,  and  the  convenience  of  a  state-room,  to  take  the  train 
through  English  valley,  and  over  the  Canadian  Pacific  to  Eight  Years' 
junction — mugwump  assistance.  Democratic  political  pull,  and  next 
November  permitting.  He  did  not  know,  he  said,  until  he  had  charge 
of  this  train,  the  dreadful  condition  of  the  national  road.  Living  along 
side  it  for  twenty-eight  years,  an  idle  and  indifferent  spectator,  he  had 
simply  noted  the  widening  and  lengthening  of  the  track,  had  seen  its 
bridges  burnt,  tunnels  blocked,  and  the  confederate  attempts  to  under- 
mine it;  had  in  fact  seen  its  guards  .shot,  but  had  no  idea  until  now  how 
much  oil  had  been  wasted  and  how  heedlessly  the  engineer  had  handled 
the  fuel. 

The  public  demanded,  he  said,  that  these  factories  of  cotton  and 
wool,  and  iron  and  steel  that  shaded  the  track,  and  whose  offensive 
workmen  scoffed  at  the  train,  should  be  removed.  He  would  see  to  it. 
He  had  arranged  through  Secretary  Whitney  for  thirty  thousand  dollars' 
worth  of  English  drawings  to  construct  connecting  ferry-boats.  He  was 
determined  to  earn  public  confidence  by  vetoing  all  demands  of  disabled 
employees  and  reducing  the  cost  of  the  wool  used  in  signal  flags,  and 
would  give  personal  examination  of  each  linch-pin  and  a  personal  ham- 
mering on  the  wheels. 

Selected  now  for  the  .sole  purpose  of  lessening  public  expense,  he 
hoped  in  the  intervals  of  public  labor  to  devote  his  spare  time  to  the 
growth  of  potatoes  to  supply  the  white  house.  These  lofty  utterances 
of  modesty  mixed  with  Jeffersonian  simplicity  won  the  applause  of  every 
postal  clerk — and  Mr.  Cleveland  was  lauded  as  the  largest  statesman 
of  the  age. 


ao 


PROTECT  US  FROM  JOHN  BULL. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  SPEECH  OF  THE  HON.  WILLIAM 
M'KINLEY,  JR.,  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTA- 
TIVES, MAY  i8,  1888. 

WHAT   IS  A   PROTECTIVE  TARIFF? 

What  is  a  protective  tariff?  It  is  a  tariff  upon  foreign  imports  sci 
adjusted  as  to  secure  the  necessary  revenue,  and  judiciously  imposed 
upon  those  foreign  products  the  like  of  which  are  produced  at  home  or 
the  like  of  which  we  are  capable  of  producing  at  home.  [Applause.]  It 
imposes  the  duty  upon  the  competing  foreign  product ;  it  makes  it  bear 
the  burden  or  duty,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  luxuries  only  excepted,  per- 
mits the  non-competing  foreign  product  to  come  in  free  of  duty.  . 
Articles  of  common  use,  comfort  and  necessity,  which  we  cannot  pro- 
duce here,  it  sends  to  the  people  untaxed  and  free  from  custom-house 
exactions.  [Applause.]  Tea,  coffee,  spices  and  drugs  are  such  articles, 
and  under  our  system  are  upon  the  free-list.  It  says  to  our  foreign 
competitor,  if  you  want  to  bring  your  merchandise  here,  your  farm  pro- 
ducts here,  your  coal  and  iron  ore,  your  wool,  your  salt,  your  pottery, 
your  glass,  your  cottons  and  woolens,  and  sell  alongside  of  our  pro- 
ducers in  our  markets,  we  will  make  your  product  bear  a  duty;  in  effect, 
pay  for  the  privilege  of  doing  it.  [Applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 
Our  kind  of  tariff  makes  the  competing  foreign  article  carry  the  burden, 
draw  the  load,  supply  the  revenue ;  and  in  performing  this  essential 
office  it  encourages  at  the  same  time  our  own  industries  and  protects 
our  own  people  in  their  chosen  employments.  [Applause.]  That  is  the 
mission  and  purpose  of  a  protective  tariff.  That  is  what  we  mean  to 
maintain,  and  any  measure  which  will  destroy  it  we  shall  firmly  resist, 
and  if  beaten  on  this  floor  we  will  appeal  from  your  decision  to  the  peo- 
ple, before  whom  parties  and  policies  must  at  last  be  tried.  [Applause.] 
We  have  free  trade  among  ourselves  throughout  thirty-eight  States  and 
the  Territories  and  among  sixty  millions  of  people.  Absolute  freedom 
of  exchange  within  our  own  borders  and  among  our  own  citizens  is  the 
law  of  the  Republic.  Reasonable  taxation  and  restraint  upon  those 
without  is  the  dictate  of  enlightened  patriotism  and  the  doctrine  of  the 
Republican  party.     [Applause  on  the  Republican  side.[ 

Free  foreign  trade  admits  the  foreigner  to  equal  privileges  with  our 


own  citizens.  It  invites  the  product  of  foreign  cheap  labor  to  this 
market  in  competition  with  the  domestic  product,  representing  higher 
and  better  paid  labor.  It  results  in  giving  our  money,  our  manufac- 
tures and  our  markets  to  other  nations,  to  the  injury  of  our  labor,  our 
tradespeople  and  our  farmers.  Protection  keeps  money,  markets  and 
manufactures  at  home  for  the  benefit  of  our  own  people. 

THE   HILL  WILL  NOT   REDUCE  THE  REVENUE. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  a  bill  ostensibly  to  reduce  the  revenue. 
It  will  not  do  it.  Take  from  this  bill  its  internal-revenue  features,  its 
reduction  of  twenty-four  and  a  half  million  dollars  from  tobacco  and 
from  special  licenses  to  dealers  in  spirits  and  tobacco,  eliminate  these 
from  the  bill  and  you  will  not  secure  a  dollar  of  reduction  to  the 
Treasury  under  its  operation.  V'our  i»<27,ooo,ooo  of  proposed  reduction 
by  the  free-list  will  be  more  than  offset  by  the  increased  revenues 
which  shall  come  from  your  lower  duties;  and  I  venture  the  prediction 
here  to-day  that  if  this  bill  should  become  a  law,  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal 
year  1889  the  dutiable  list  under  it  will  carry  more  money  into  the  Treas- 
ury than  is  carried  into  the  Treasury  under  the  present  law,  because  with 
every  reduction  of  duties  upon  foreign  imports  you  stimulate  and  in- 
crease foreign  importations  ;  and  to  the  extent  that  you  increase  foreign 
importations,  to  that  extent  you  increase  the  revenue. 

The  farmer,  the  manufacturer,  the  laborer,  the  tradesman,  and  the 
producer  and  the  consumer  all  have  a  common  interest  in  the  main- 
tenance of  a  protective  tariff.  All  are  alike  and  equally  favored  by  the 
system  which  you  seek  to  overthrow.  It  is  a  national  system,  broad  and 
universal  in  its  application;  if  otherwise  it  should  be  abandoned.  It 
cannot  be  invoked  for  one  section  or  one  interest  to  the  exclusion  of 
others.  It  must  be  general  in  its  application  within  the  contemplation 
of  the  principle  upon  which  the  system  is  founded.  We  have  been 
living  under  it  for  twenty-seven  continuous  years,  and  it  can  be  asserted 
with  confidence  that  no  country  in  the  world  has  achieved  such  indus- 
trial advancement,  and  such  marvelous  progress  in  art,  science,  and 
civilization  as  ours.  Tested  by  its  results,  it  has  surpassed  all  other 
revenue  systems. 

From  178910  1888,  a  period  of  ninety-nine  years,  there  have  been 


NO   CAT'S-PAW. 

Monkey—"  Just  lend  me  your  paw,  u>  get  these  chestnuts  off  the  fire." 
Cat—"  I'm  not  that  kind  of  kitten." 


22 


PROTECT    US    FROM   JOHN    BULL. 


forty-seven  years  when  a  Democratic  revenue  tariff  policy  has  prevailed, 
and  fifty-two  years  under  the  protective  policy,  and  it  is  a  noteworthy 
fact  that  the  most  progressive  and  prosperous  periods  of  our  history  in 
every  department  of  human  effort  and  material  development  were 
during  the  fifty-two  years  when  the  protective  party  was  in  control  and 
protective  tariffs  were  maintained  ;  and  the  most  disastrous  years — years 
of  want  and  wretchedness,  ruin  and  retrogression,  eventuating  in  insuf- 
ficient revenues  and  shattered  credits,  individual  and  national,  were 
during  the  free  trade  or  revenue  tariff  eras  of  our  history.  No  man 
living  who  passed  through  any  of  the  latter  periods  but  would  dread 
their  return,  and  would  flee  from  them  as  he  would  escape  from  fire  and 
pestilence ;  and  I  believe  the  party  which  promotes  their  return  will 
merit  and  receive  popular  condemnation.  What  is  the  trouble  with  our 
present  condition  .'  No  country  can  point  to  greater  prosperity  or  more 
enduring  evidences  of  substantial  progress  among  all  the  people.  Too 
much  money  is  being  collected,  it  is  said.  We  say  stop  it ;  not  by  indis- 
criminate and  vicious  legislation,  but  by  simple  business  methods.  Do 
it  on  simple,  practical  lines  and  we  will  help  you.  Buy  up  the  bonds, 
objectionable  as  it  may  be,  and  pay  the  nation's  debt,  if  you  cannot  re- 
duce taxation.  You  could  have  done  this  long  ago.  Nobody  is  charge- 
able for  the  failure  and  delay  but  your  own  Administration. 

Sir  Edward  Sullivan,  in  a  recent  article  in  the  London  Post,  makes 
the  suggestive  comparisons,  which  I  beg  every  gentleman  to  hear : 

Under  free  trade  the  masses  must  get  poorer,  because  they  get  less  em- 
ployment. A  well-known  statistical  work  Rives  a  comparison  of  the  material 
progress  of  France  under  protection  and  England  under  free  trade.  If  there 
is  any  truth  in  figures  it  ought  to  startle  us  from  our  free-trade  dream. 

The  comparison  is  based  on  the  returns  of  legacy  duty: 

In  1826  England  was  lof.  a  head  richer  than  France. 

In  1850  England  was  igj.  a  head  richer  than  France. 

In  1877  England  was  5^.  a  head  poorer  than  France. 

France  has  57  per  cent,  of  her  land  under  tillage,  and  it  is  increasing 
every  year. 

The  United  Kingdom  has  30  per  cent,  of  her  land  under  tillage,  and  it  is 
diminishing  every  year,  but  the  population  of  England  increases  much  more 
rapidly  than  the  population  of  France. 

The  commerce  of  England  has  increased  21  per  cent,  in  ten  years. 

The  commerce  of  France  has  increased  39  per  cent,  in  ten  years. 

The  commerce  of  the  United  State  has  increased  68  per  cent,  in  ten  years. 


The  commerce  of  the  world  has  increased  26  per  cent,  in  ten  years. 

So  much  for  the  blasting  cflfect  of  free  trade. 
Mr.  Dunn  is  a  prominent  member  of  this  House  and  chairman  of  one 
of  its  leading  committees,  and  I  remember  to  have  heard  him  say  what 
I  now  read  from  the  Record : 

The  wheat  producer  of  the  Northwest  is  standing  face  to  face  with  the 
wheat  producer  of  India.  A  few  years  ago  India  shipped  4o,ixx)  bushels  of 
wheat.  Last  year  (1S85)  she  put  into  the  market  40,000,000  bushels.  Can 
you  protect  the  Northwest  farmer  against  that  labor?  India  can  put  wheat 
down  in  the  markets  of  consumption  in  Europe  cheaper  than  we  can  trans- 
port it  from  the  fields  of  production  to  the  markets  of  consumption — that  is 
to  say,  India  can  produce  and  market  her  wheat  in  Europe  for  what  it  costs 
the  farmer  of  the  Northwest  to  transport  his  to  the  market  of  consumption, 
without  allowing  him  for  the  cost  of  production.  In  other  words,  the  trans- 
portation of  wheat  costs  the  American  farmer  as  much  as  both  transportation 
and  production  cost  the  India  farmer. 

In  the  face  of  a  statement  like  this,  from  such  high  Democratic 
authority,  how,  I  ask,  is  the  wheat  of  the  American  farmer  to  reach  the 
European  market  with  any  profit  to  our  producers?  And  yet  it  is  to  this 
kind  of  competition  the  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
invites  the  American  farmer.  Do  the  farmers  want  such  a  market  with 
such  a  competition.'  What  their  answer  will  be  no  man  can  doubt. 
They  reject  with  indignation  and  scorn  the  chairman's  invitation.  (Ap- 
plause.) The  home  market  is  the  best,  besides  being  the  safest.  It  has 
got  the  most  money  to  spend  and  spends  the  most.  It  consumes  the 
most ;  it  is  therefore  the  most  profitable. 

The  masses  of  our  people  live  better  than  any  people  in  the  world. 
Great  Britain  only  buys  our  food  products  when  she  has  not  enough  of 
her  own  and  can  reach  no  other  supply.  This  market,  therefore,  is 
fitful  and  fluctuating,  and  cannot  be  relied  upon  as  we  can  rely  upon  our 
own  consumers.  The  foreign  market  under  a  revenue  tariff  for  agricul- 
tural products  has  not  been  encouraging  in  our  own  experience  in 
the  past.  It  promises  less  under  such  a  system  in  the  future.  The  effect 
of  this  bill,  and  there  can  be  no  other,  is  to  increase  importations,  dis- 
place our  own  products  by  foreign  ones,  diminish  the  output  of  our  fac- 
tories and  mills,  curtail  the  demand  for  labor,  and  reduce  the  wages  of 
those  who  may  be  able  to  get  work.  This  result  is  as  clear  and  manifest 
to  me  as  the  simplest  mathematical  problem,  and  we  have  only  to  look 


THE   MODERN   EXODUS   FROM  THE    LAND   OF   FREE  TRADE   BONDAGE    TO    THE   LAND   OF   PROTECTION   AND   PLENTY. 

'"  Last  year  the  arrivals  of  I  iiimigtafits  reached  the  enormous  a^eret^ate  o/  450^84  fi^  and  this  yearns  i  mm  titration  iviil  be  oi'tr  Half  n  Milt  ion*  '*— A'.   Y'.  Sun. 
Moses  {Uncle  Sam)—**  Why,  O  Pharauh,  are  your  hosts  migrating  to  my  Protection  land  if  the  Free  Trade  which  your  country  enjoys  is  such  a  blessing  ? " 


24: 


PROTECT  US  FROM  JOHN  BULL, 


at  the  wage  scale  of  competing  nations  to  know  what  our  labor  will 
come  to  with  free  trade  or  its  equivalent.  We  cannot  compete  with 
foreign  nations  without  the  restraint  of  a  tariff  unless  we  have  equal 
conditions  and  equal  labor  cost.  To  do  this  we  must  introduce  European 
conditions  and  European  methods  in  the  United  States,  and  that  is  what 
this  bill  and  all  similar  legislation  mean. 

AMERICAN  WAGE.S  AGAINST   EUROPEAN   WAGES. 

There  has  been  much  effort  made  in  this  debate  to  show  that,  after 
all,  American  workingmen  get  no  better  pay  than  the  workingmen  of 
other  countries.  Let  us  consider  this  branch  of  the  discussion  for  a 
little  while,  for  if  it  be  true  that  labor  here  is  no  better  rewarded  than 
elsewhere,  then  the  strength  of  protection  is  much  weakened.  I  beg  to 
cite,  against  the  unsupported  statements  of  the  gentlemen  who  have 
already  spoken  upon  the  other  side,  the  testimony  of  American  work- 
mgmen  whose  opportunity  for  information  from  experience  in  both 
countries,  and  otherwise,  makes  their  evidence  incontrovertible.  From 
the  statements  made  March  lo,  1886,  before  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means,  I  read'.  Some  of  this  testimony  is  two  years  old,  but  the 
only  reason  it  is  is  because  laboring  men  were  not  permitted  to  testify 
this  year.     [Laughter  and  applause.) 

Mr.  Philip  Hagan,  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen:  I  was  born  under  a  free-trade  govern- 
ment, anil  I  believe  that  the  free-trade  government  deprived  me  of  an  edu- 
cation. The  reason  of  that  was  that  I  had  to  go  to  work  when  I  was  eight 
years  of  age;  and  I  remember  also  my  little  brother  going  lo  work  under 
that  free-trade  government  when  he  was  eight  years  of  age.  I  remember 
well  when  there  was  a  family  of  nine  of  us  (including  my  father  and  mother), 
and  when  my  wages  for  working  in  a  mill  were  10  cents  per  day.  This  was 
under  a  free-trade  government.  Subsequently  I  went  up  higher  there  to  5 
shillings  a  day,  or  $1.25.  That  was  about  the  limit  I  could  reach — six  and 
sixpence  a  day — and  having  to  pay  (>o  cents  out  of  that  to  my  helper. 

Many  members  of  this  committee  know  all  this  just  as  well  as  I  am  stat- 
ing it,  and  I  am  not  going  to  detain  you  any  longer;  but  I  will  state  that  as 
soon  as  my  limited  knowledge  informed  me  that  labor  was  protected  in  the 
United  States  I  came  here.  1  declared  my  intentions  and  I  became  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States.  And  now  I  have  a  family,  and  now  I  make  regularly 
14  shillings  a  day.  The  produce  on  which  I  lived  in  England  came  mostly 
from  the   L'nited  States,  and  certainly   1  ought  lo  get  it  as  cheap  here  as  in 


England,  I  worked  for  5  shillings  a  <lay  in  England,  and  I  get  14  shillings 
a  day  here.  Consequently  I  am  able  to  send  my  children  to  school,  and  they 
are  gelling  an  education,  which  their  father  did  not  get  under  a  free-trade 
government,  I  want  to  see  these  children  raised  up  and  educated  as 
citizens, 

[Applause.] 

Mr.  Thomas  Williams  said : 

As  American  citizens  we  can  not  be  compelled  to  subsist  upon  what  the 
working  people  of  England,  France,  or  other  European  countries  subsist 
upon.  The  people  of  this  country  have  made  it  just  what  it  is,  and  in  a  very 
great  measure  the  workingmen  have  made  it  what  it  is.  Some  of  us  have 
come  across  the  Atlantic,  leaving  the  land  of  our  birth,  and  have  come  here 
with  the  expectation  that  we  were  going  lo  better  our  condition.  We  have 
bettered  it  in  a  great  measure.  We  will  get  along  if  you  will  let  us  alone. 
The  manufacturers  and  ourselves  will  fight  our  own  battles. 

Mr.  Thomas  P.  Jones  said : 

1  came  to  this  country  to  better  my  condition,  and  I  am  happy  to  say 
that  I  have  bettered  my  condition.  I  have  made  more  wages  than  I  ever 
made  in  the  old  country. 

It  has  been  shown  here  to-day,  and,  as  I  think,  very  clearly,  that  this 
tinkering  with  the  tariff  is  not  for  the  best  interests  of  ihe  country;  is  not  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  wealth  producers,  of  the  men  who  built  up  this 
country.  Then,  gentlemen,  I  lake  it  that  it  is  your  duly  throw  this  bill  to  the 
dogs,  I  certainly  do  not  stand  lo  dictate  to  you  altogether  in  this  matter, 
but  I  will  assure  you  this  far;  that  there  is  a  school  of  education  among  the 
working  people  in  this  country,  and  that  if  this  tinkering  with  the  tariff  is  al- 
lowed to  proceed,  if  you  will,  in  spite  of  our  remonstrances,  go  on  destroy- 
ing our  interests  and  shutting  up  the  industries  of  the  country,  our  working 
people  will  be  ere  long  sufficiently  educated  lo  step  forth  and  say,  "Gentle- 
men, thus  far  shall  you  go  and  no  farther,"  We  will  elect  men  and  send 
Ihem  here  lo  legislate  for  our  interests  if  you  will  not  do  so.  We  have  the 
power,  gentlemen,  and  you  know  it. 

Laborers  in  this  country  were  never  so  cemented  as  they  are  to-day. 
One  of  the  principal  things  which  has  helped  us  to  thai  is  this  very  bill  which 
the  honorable  chairman  has  brought  before  this  commiltee.  Where  I  live, 
in  Chicago,  you  would  be  surprised  to  see  the  feeling  that  exists  among  the 
working  classes.  And  why?  Because  some  of  the  people  there  worked  in 
this  country  in  free-trade  times,  I  have  a  brother-in-law  who,  in  free-trade 
times,  traveled  to  his  work  six  miles  in  the  morning,  gelling  there  at  sun-up, 
worked  all  day,  and  walked  home  at  sundown,  and  all  for  a  paltry  50  cents 
a  day,  I  also  have  worked  for  50  cents  a  day,  but  not  in  this  country,  thank 
God,  I  have  worked  for  25  cents  a  day,  but  I  do  not  want  to  have  lo  do  it 
again,  I  have  seen  in  the  city  of  Glasgow,  in  Scotland,  men  working  for  12 
cents  a  day  and  a  bowl  of  soup.  That  does  not  become  an  American  citizen. 
We  can  not  have  such  a  state  of  affairs  here,  and  we  will  not  have  it. 


o   .^ 

o   1 
CO     3 


0      siP  ^^   \^   MW\ 


26 


PROTECT    US    FROM    JOHN    BULL. 


LABOR   NOT   ASKING    FOR    IT — CHEAP   CLOTHING. 

It  is  a  fact  worthy  to  call  to  the  attention  of  the  House  that  a  labor 
organization  representing  a  million  workingmen,  with  its  representatives 
in  this  city  whose  sole  duty  is  to  look  after  the  interests  of  labor,  have 
given  no  sign  of  approval  of  this  bill.  Not  a  petition  has  come  through 
this  source  asking  for  its  passage,  or  anything  like  it.  Whatever  utter- 
ance has  been  made  has  been  in  opposition  and  protest.  Every  member 
on  this  floor  has  observed  the  activity  of  this  committee  of  Knights  of 
Labor  in  regard  to  legislation  affecting  the  interests  of  labor,  but  in  all 
their  vast  constituency,  found  in  every  Slate  of  the  Union,  found  in  the 
fields,  in  the  factories,  workshops,  and  mines,  no  word  or  sign  but  of  dis- 
approval and  condemnation  has  come. 

The  expectations  of  cheaper  clothes  is  not  sufficient  to'  justify  the 
action  of  the  majority.  This  is  too  narrow  for  a  national  issue.  No- 
body, so  far  as  I  have  learned,  has  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the 
present  price  of  clothing.  It  is  a  political  objection ;  it  is  a  party  slogan. 
Certainly  nobody  is  unhappy  over  the  cost  of  clothing  except  those  who 
are  amply  able  to  pay  even  a  higher  price  than  is  now  exacted.  And 
besides,  if  this  bill  should  pass,  and  the  effect  would  be  (as  it  inevitably 
must  be)  to  destroy  our  domestic  manufactories,  the  era  of  low  prices 
would  vanish,  and  the  foreign  manufacturer  would  compel  the  American 
consumer  to  pay  higher  prices  than  he  has  been  accustomed  to  pay 
under  "the  robber  tariff,"  so  called. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  represent  a  district  comprising  some  200,000  people, 
a  large  majority  of  the  voters  in  the  district  being  workingmen.  I  have 
represented  them  for  a  good  many  years,  and  I  have  never  had  a  com- 
plaint from  one  of  them  that  their  clothes  were  too  high.  Have  you? 
I  Applause  on  the  Republican  side.l  Has  any  gentleman  on  this  floor 
met  with  such  complaint  in  his  district? 

Mr.  Morse — They  did  not  buy  them  of  me. 

Mr.  McKinh-Y—tio  !  Let  us  see ;  if  they  had  bought  of  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  it  would  have  made  no  difference,  and  there  could 
have  been  no  complaint.     Let  us  examine  the  matter. 

[Mr.  McKinley  here  produced  a  bundle  containing  a  suit  of  clothes, 
which  he  opened  and  displayed  amid  great  laughter  and  applause.] 


Come  now,  will  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  know  his  own 
goods?  [Renewed  laughter.)  Wc  recall,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  talked  about  the  laboring 
man  who  worked  for  ten  days  at  a  dollar  a  day  ;  and  then  went  with  his 
ten  dollars  wages  to  buy  a  suit  of  clothes.  It  is  the  old  story.  It  is 
found  in  the  works  of  Adam  Smith.  (Laughter  and  applause  on  the 
Republican  side.]  I  have  heard  it  in  this  House  for  ten  years  past.  It 
has  served  many  a  free  trader.  It  is  the  old  story,  I  repeat,  of  the  man 
who  gets  a  dollar  a  day  for  his  wages,  and  having  worked  for  the  ten 
days  goes  to  buy  his  suit  of  clothes.  He  believes  he  can  buy  it  for  just 
§10  ;  but  the  "  robber  manufacturers  "  have  been  to  Congress,  and  have 
got  100  per  cent,  put  upon  the  goods  in  the  shape  of  a  tariff,  and  the  suit 
of  clothes  he  finds  can  not  l)c  bought  for  ijio,  but  he  is  asked  ^lo  for  it ; 
and  so  he  has  got  to  go  back  to  ten  days  more  of  sweat ;  ten  days  more 
of  toil  ;  ten  days  more  of  wear  and  tear  of  muscle  and  brain  to  earn  the 
^10  to  purchase  the  suit  of  clothes.  Then  the  chairman  gravely  asks,  is 
not  ten  days  entirely  annihilated  ? 

Now,  a  gentleman  who  read  that  speech  or  heard  it  was  so  touched 
by  the  pathetic  story  that  he  looked  into  it  and  .sent  me  a  suit  of  clothes 
identical  with  that  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas,  and  he  sends 
me  also  the  bill  for  it,  and  here  is  the  entire  suit,  "  robber  tariffs  and 
taxes  and  all  "  have  been  added,  and  the  retail  cost  is  what?  Just  $10. 
I  Liiughter  and  applause  on  the  Republican  side.]  So  the  poor  fellow 
does  not  have  to  go  back  to  work  ten  days  more  to  get  that  suit  of 
clothes.  He  takes  the  suit  with  him  and  pays  for  it  just  ^10.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

But  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  mistake  about  it,  knowing  the 
honor  and  honesty  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Morse],  he 
went  to  his  store  and  bought  the  suit.  [Laughttr  and  cheers  on  the 
Republican  side.]     I  hold  in  my  hand  the  bill. 

Mr.  .S/ntdU—Read  it. 

Mr.  il/fAVw/ty— (reading): 

Boston,  M/iy  4,  1888. 

J.  D.  Williams,  bought  of  Leopold  Morse  &  Co.,  men's  youth's,  and 
boys'  clothing  ;  131  to  137  Washington  street,  corner  Brattle — 

I  believe  it  is. 


JOHN   BULL   FINDS   HIS  MOSES. 
John  Bull-"  Ah  !   This  is  Ihe  Moses  that  will  «i>en  the  American  Land  of  Millc  and  Honey  to  the  products  of  my  Pauper  Labor  1" 


as 


PROTECT  US  FROM    JOHN    lill  !., 


Mr.  Morse — Yes,  nrattle. 

Mr.  Mc- Kinky — (reading): 

To  one  suit  of  woolen  clothes,  %\o.     Paid. 

[Renewed  laughter  and  applause.) 

And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  never  knew  of  a  gentleman  engaged  in 
this  business  who  sold  his  clothes  without  a  profit.  (Laughter.)  And 
there  is  the  same  $io  suit  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas  that 
can  be  bought  in  the  city  of  Boston,  can  be  bought  in  I^hiladelphia,  in 
New  York,  in  Chicago,  in  Pittsburgh,  anywhere  throughout  the  country 
at  $io  retail  the  whole  suit — coat,  pants  and  vest — and  40  per  cent,  less 
than  it  could  have  been  bought  in  i860  under  your  low  tariff  and  low 
wages  of  that  period.     (Great  applause. ( 

THK   I'NITKn   SIATK.S   m:VI.N<;    roKKICN    HI.ANKKT.S. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  1887,  the  United  States  Government  adver- 
tised forbids  for  the  purclia.se  of  blankets  for  the  use  of  the  medical  dc- 
pirtment  of  the  army.  This  was  in  1887,  under  the  present  administra- 
tion. There  were  foreign  bids  and  there  were  American  bids.  Now,  if 
the  President  is  right  in  saying  that  the  duty  is  added  to  the  cost,  then 
the  foreign  cost,  duty  added,  ought  to  be  just  equal  to  the  American 
price.  Now,  what  are  the  facts  of  this  transaction.'  As  1  have  said, 
there  was  a  foreign  bid,  and  there  was  an  American  bid.  The  foreign 
bid  was  for  a  four-pound  blanket  for  medical  purposes,  to  be  furnished 
for  $2.25,'0.  For  the  same  four-pound  blanket  lor  the  same  purposes, 
the  American  bid  was  §2.56,  there  being  a  difference  of  30["j  cents.  Who 
do  you  suppose  got  the  contract?  There  was  a  foreign  bid,  and  an 
American  bid,  and  the  difference  between  the  bids  was  30  cents  on  each 
blanket.  Now  tell  nic  which  manufacturer,  the  American  or  English, 
got  the  contract  .•'  Is  there  anybody  here  who  would  not  have  given  it 
to  the  American,  there  being  a  dilTerence  of  only  30  cents  between  the 
bids? 

Is  there  any  gentleman  on  this  floor  who  would  send  abroad  to  get 
a  pair  of  blankets  merely  to  save  30  cents  on  them,  thus  taking  away 
from  the  American  manufacturer  and  the  American  farmer  and  the 
.\nierican  laborer  that  much  business?    However  that  may  l)e,  that  con- 


tract did  go  abroad.  English  labor,  with  foreign  wof)l,  made  those  2000 
blankets  for  the  use  of  our  army.  American  labor  was  boycotted  and 
they  came  in  without  i)aying  any  duty.  The  (iovernmcnt  look  advan- 
tage of  a  law  that  stands  on  the  statute  book  and  admitted  them  free  of 
duty.  There  being  so  little  revenue  in  the  Treasury,  it  was  necessary,  of 
course,  to  save  every  penny,  so  they  took  advantage  of  that  law  which 
permits  the  United  States  to  bring  in  goods  free  of  duty. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  that  this  (jovernmenl  of  ours,  which  is  sup- 
ported by  its  own  people,  and  not  by  foreigners,  would  patronize  its  own 
people.  I  think  that  is  an  example  of  patriotism  which  should  be  set  by 
those  charged  with  public  administration.  I  wish  the  men  who  pay  the 
taxes  to  support  this  Government,  to  pay  the  President's  salary  and 
other  expenses  of  the  CJovcrnment,  would  l>e  patronized  when  the  (iov- 
ernmcnt has  anything  to  buy,  don't  you  ?  And  are  you  not  a  little 
ashamed  of  this  transaction,  all  of  you  ?  I  do  not  know  whether  the 
like  was  ever  done  under  any  former  administration  or  not ;  but  it  never 
ought  to  be  done,  except  in  time  of  war  or  great  public  necessity,  by  any 
future  administration  of  any  party.     (Applause  on  the  Republican  side.) 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  SPEECH  OF  THE  HON.  THOMAS 
B.  REED  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  MAY 
19,  1888. 

Now  let  us  turn  to  the  other  side.  The  system  we  believe  in  is 
called  protection,  and  is  founded  upon  the  doctrine  that  a  great  nation 
like  ours,  having  all  varieties  of  climate  and  soil,  will  be  richer,  more 
inde|)endenl.  and  more  thrifty,  and  that  its  people  will  be  better  fitted 
to  enjoy  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  peace,  and  better  situated  to 
endure  the  calamities  of  war,  if  its  own  people  supply  its  own  wants. 

I  do  not  purpose  to  defend  protection.  Its  vast  growth  within  the 
last  quarter  of  a  century  defends  it  better  e»en  than  eloquent  orations. 
It  was  born  with  the  Republic.  It  is  the  faith  and  practice  of  every 
civilized  nation  under  the  sun  save  one.  It  has  survived  the  assaults  of 
all  the  professors  of  the  "dismal  science"  called  political  economy.     It 


COMPARA  II\  r.   WAGES. 

ENGLAND. 

Boilermakers ^7  75 

Brickmakers 3  54 

Bricklayers 8  oo 

Blacksmiths fi  oo 

Butchers 6  oo 

Bakers. (>  25 

Boltmakers (>  50 

Bolt  cutters 3  (x) 

Carpenters 7  50 

Coopers 6  00 

Clockmakers 7  00 

Cabinetmakers .  .    7  00 

Iron  ore  miners. ...    5  50 

Iron  moulders 7  50 

Laborers 4  10 

Longshoremen 8  00 

Linen  thread  (men) 5  00 

Machinists 8  50 

Masons 8  00 

Printers  (i.ooo  ems) 20 

Printers,  week  hands. 665 

Painters 7  50 

Plumbers 8  00 

Plasterers 7  50 

Potters 8  67 

Polishers 7  00 

Railway  engineers   10  00 

Boilermakers 700 

Machinists 7  00 

Servants  (month) 5  00 

Shoemakers 6'  00 

Watchmakers 8  00 


UNITED  STATES. 

$16  50 

II  86 

21  00 

13  30 

12  00 

f-^ 

12  75 

1' 

16  50 

VJ 

10  00 

X 

15  00 

13  25 

18  00 

18  00 

12  00 

15  00 

8  00 

15  00 

7  50 
18  00 

21  00 
40 

1 

13  40 

\ 

15  00 

18  00 

21  00 

18  30 
18  00 
21  00 
14  00 

14  15 

15  00 

12  00 

18  00 

BEFORE   and 


AFTER   taking. 


"  I  have  used  the  Free  Trade  M  ixture.  and  the  condition  of  my  workingmen  has  been  completely  changed. 

"  They  are  now  enjoying  a  condition  of  degradation,  poverty  and  misery.     I  can  highly  recommend  it  to  Americans." 


JOHN  Bl'LL. 


so 


PROTECT   US  FROM   JOHN   BULL. 


has  stood  up  against  all  the  half  knowledge  of  learned  men  who  never 
had  sense  enough  to  transmute  their  learning  into  wisdom.  (Great 
applause.) 

On  the  face  of  the  earth  to-day  there  are  but  two  sets  of  people  who 
believe  in  free  trade,  whether  pure  and  simple  or  disguised  as  revenue 
reform,  and  those  two  are  the  masked  majority  of  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means  and  their  followers  and  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  with  Ireland  suppressed. 

Russia,  the  granary  of  Europe,  has  abandoned  free  trade,  with  the 
striking  result  that  whereas  in  1876,  before  the  duties  were  raised,  she 
bought  8,000,000  hundred-weight  of  British  metals  and  paid  therefor 
§30,000,000  (eight  for  thirty),  she  got  the  .same  (pianlity  in  1884  and  paid 
only  .$17,000,000  for  it  (eight  for  seventeen).  Three  dollars  and  seventy- 
five  cents  per  hundred-weight  before  tarifl,  and  $2. 1 2^  after.  Austria, 
Germany,  Italy,  Mexico  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  that  child  of 
Britain  herself,  have  all  joined  the  army  of  protection.  It  is  the  instinct 
of  humanity  against  the  assumptions  of  book  men.  It  is  the  wisdom  of 
the  race  against  the  wisdom  of  the  few. 

Perhaps  now  would  be  a  good  time  to  introduce  the  chairman's 
yard  of  cassimere.  I  hate  to  invite  this  respectable  audience  into  even 
this  small  Sahara  of  figures;  but  really  there  are  oases  in  it.  In  the 
original  it  is  one  line  and  a  half,  specimen  of  a  whole  column.    Here  it  is: 

"  One  yard  of  cassimere,  weighing  16  ounces,  costs  138  cents;  the 
labor  cost  is  29  cents ;  the  tarilT  is  80  cents."  Borrowing  from  the  rest 
of  the  column  he  means,  as  you  will  see  it  if  you  read  it,  "  You  pretend, 
you  manufacturers,  that  you  want  a  tarifT  for  the  laborer,  and  here  you 
are,  29  cents  to  the  laborer,  and  80  cents  tariff;  51  cents  into  your 
infamous  pockets." 

This  is  certainly  bad.  I  do  not  remember  ever  seeing  such  a  start- 
ling exposure  of  cold  blooded  villainy.  Why,  a  robber  baron  of  the 
middle  ages,  dead  and  buried  500  years  ago,  with  nothing  left  of  him 
but  his  coffin,  would  rise  at  such  a  charge  and  hurl  back  his  indignant 
contempt  as  if  he  had  been  a  Kentucky  member  charged  with  refusing 
hearings  on  midnight  revenue  reform.  But  let  us  repress  our  feelings. 
Maybe  that  this  news  is  like  the  news  we  used  to  get  from  Texas  during 
the  war,  •'  Important  if  true."     And  it  is  not  true.     A  yard  of  cassimere 


selling  at  138  cents,  weighing  16  ounces,  and  paying  80  cents  tariff,  is  an 
imp<5ssibility.    Just  permit  me  to  prove  it. 

First  you  take  off  27  cents  discount  for  selling.  This  includes  all 
other  incidentals.  That  leaves  §1.11.  Take  off  80  cents,  the  alleged 
tariff.  That  leaves  31  cents.  That  is  cost.  You  see  I  am  liberal.  No 
extras  there.  Now  if  31  cents  is  the  cost  and  the  goods  are  invoiced 
honestly — you  see,  I  am  again  liberal — what  is  the  duty?  It  will  be 
largest  under  the  woolen  schedule.  Therefore  we  will  take  that.  It  can 
only  be  35  cents  a  pound  and  35  percent,  ad  valorem.  The  35  cents  is 
compensatory  for  the  wool  duty  paid  by  the  manufacturer.  The  35 
cents  is  35  cents.  Add  35  per  cent,  of  31  cents — 10.85  cents — and  you 
have  45.85  cents,  which  must  be  your  tariff.  But  45.85  cents  added  to 
31  cents  cost  and  27  cents  for  selling  gives  only  103.85  cents  instead  of 
138  cents,  which  shows  that  the  sum  doesn't  prove. 

Now  listen  to  what  the  rate  must  be :  138  cents  is  the  agreed  price , 
27  cents  off  for  selling  leaves  iii.  Now,  the  fixed  specific  tariff  on  a 
pound  of  cassimere  is  35  cents.  Take  that  out  and  there  remains  76 
cents  for  cost  and  ad  valorem  duty  at  35  per  cent.  In  other  words,  76 
cents  is  135  per  cent,  of  the  cost.  Therefore  the  cost  is  56.29  cents,  and 
the  ad  valorem  tariff  is  19.71,  which,  added  to  the  35  cents  specific,  is 
54.71  cents.  Adding  them  all  together,  you  have  138  cents.  This  proves. 
Now  let  us  see  what  ratio  this  bears  to  the  rest  of  the  calculation 
of  the  learned  chairman.  Eighty  cents  tariff,  taking  out  29  for  labor, 
gave  the  heartless  manufacturer  51  cents;  54.71  cents  will  only  leave 
him  25.71. 

Can  he  get  away  with  that.'  How  lucky  he  would  be  if  he  could. 
Out  of  that  he  has  got  to  pay  just  35  cents  to  the  woolman,  tariff  on  his 
wool.  In  fact,  the  35  cents  a  pound  in  the  tariff  is  put  there  for  that 
very  purpose.  So,  according  to  the  chairman's  theory,  this  poor  robber 
baron  has  got  to  put  his  hands  into  his  own  pockets  and  pay  9.29  cents 
for  his  own  money  besides  what  he  gets  from  the  tariff.  Really  any  in- 
telligent robber  baron  would  go  back  to  the  Middle  Ages,  where  he  cer- 
tainly had  no  such  luck.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

(^f  course  these  figures  are  of  no  real  earthly  value  except  to  prove 
the  absurdity  of  a  line  and  a  half  specimen  of  the  chairman's  speech. 
He  started  out  grandly.    Go  to,  he  said  ;  I  will  pay  this  man's  labor  and 


ON    DECK! 

Jm— "  Come  to  report,  General.    With  fighting  to  be  done  (or  Ihc  old  flae,  I  could  not  stay  away," 


32 


PROTECT    US  FROM    JOHN    Bl'I.I.. 


show  he  pockets  51  cents  a  yard  besides,  all  out  of  the  taritf.  The  chair- 
man does  not  realize  that  51  cents  a  yard  profit  on  cassimere  is  a  colossal 
preposterousness.     He  does  not  have  even  a  suspicion  of  it. 

Why  have  I  spent  so  much  time  on  this  wretched  little  yard  of  cas- 
simere? Simply  because  it  is  a  sample  of  a  whole  column  which  has 
been  put  forward  here  as  the  finest  result  of  the  free  trade  intellect ;  and 
there  are  eighteen  more  just  such  palterings  with  common  sense. 

But  if  the  revenue  reform  orator  on  the  monopoly  is  terrible,  like  an 
army  with  banners,  there  is  a  theme  on  which  he  can  take  up  the  notes 
of  the  dying  swan.  How  we  do  love  to  hear  him  on  the  impoverished 
firmer  !  Then  he  is  not  sublime,  but  he  is  pathetically  great.  I  heard 
him  first  ten  years  ago.  To  me — innocent,  untraveled — it  seemed  as  if 
the  Western  farmer  was  the  most  woe-begone,  downtrodden,  luckless, 
unsuccessful,  dispirited  devil  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  Eastern 
vampire  had  mortgaged  his  farm  and  thrown  down  his  fences  and  scat- 
tered his  substance  wantonly  to  the  winds. 

In  the  fulness  of  time  I  traveled  West  myself.  Vou  may  well  imagine 
my  astonishment,  who  had  never  seen  ten  acres  together  in  corn,  to  be- 
hold fields  of  that  great  staple  stretching  way  out  to  the  horizon's  edge, 
to  see  tracts  of  land  which  seemed  to  have  no  boundaries  but  the  visible 
sky — land  so  rich  that  if  we  had  an  acre  of  it  in  Maine  we  would  have 
sold  it  by  the  bushel  |  laughter| ;  while  on  every  side  were  the  great  brick 
houses,  such  as  only  the  squire  lived  in  in  our  villages.  After  some 
days  of  this  1  became  sulky.  I  said,  gentlemen,  of  course  we  have  robbed 
you  ;  your  Congressmen  would  not  lie  about  trifles  like  that.  But  what 
disgusts  me  is  that  we  did  not  do  it  more  thoroughly.  The  gleaning 
looks  bigger  than  the  harvest.  These  crumbs  are  finer  than  the  food  we 
put  on  our  tables.  Then  they  confided  to  me  that  the  Western  Con- 
gressmen were  great  orators,  and  did  this  for  practice.  [Laughter.] 
Since  then  I  have  not  been  so  much  moved  by  it. 

Here  is  another  unshottcd  gun,  called  "  the  markets  of  the  world." 


The  markets  of  the  world  !  How  broad  and  cool  these  words  are  ! 
They  .stretch  from  the  frozen  regions  of  the  northern  pole  across  the 
blazing  tropics  to  the  ice-bound  shores  of  the  Antarctic  continent.  All 
this  we  can  have  if  we  will  but  give  up  the  little  handbreadth  called  the 
United  States  of  America.    What  are  these  markets  of  the  world  .' 

To  hear  these  rhetoricians  declaim,  you  would  imagine  the  markets 
of  the  world  a  vast  vacuum,  waiting  till  now  for  American  goods  to  break 
through,  rush  in  and  fill  the  yearning  void.  Will  your  goods  go  to 
Austria,  to  Italy,  Germany,  Russia  or  France.'  Around  all  these  be- 
nighted countries  are  the  "Chinese"  walls  of  tariff  taxes.  Britain  her- 
self is  protected  by  vast  capital,  accumulated  through  ages,  the  spoils 
of  her  own  and  other  lands,  by  a  trade  system  as  powerful  as  it  is  re- 
lentless. All  these  nations  will  contest  with  you  the  other  countries 
which  they  already  overflow. 

Does  your  mouth  water  over  the  prospect  .•■  What  market  do  you 
give  up  for  all  this.'  Where  is  the  best  market  in  the  world  .'  Where 
the  people  have  the  most  money  to  spend.  Where  have  the  people  the 
most  money  to  spend.'  Right  here  in  the  United  States  of  America, 
after  twenty-seven  years  of  protectionist  rule.  And  you  are  asked  to 
give  up  such  a  market  for  the  markets  of  the  world  !  Why,  the  history 
of  such  a  transaction  was  told  twenty-four  hundred  years  ago.  It  is  a 
classic.     You  will  find  it  in  the  works  of  .(^tsop,  the  fabulist. 

Once  there  was  a  dog.  He  was  a  nice  little  dog.  Nothing  the  matter 
with  him  except  a  few  foolish  free-trade  ideas  in  his  head.  He  was  trot- 
ting along  happy  as  the  day,  for  he  had  in  his  mouth  a  nice  shoulder  of 
succulent  mutton.  By  and  by  he  came  to  a  stream  bridged  by  a  plank. 
He  trotted  along,  and,  looking  over  the  side  of  the  plank,  he  saw  the 
markets  of  the  world  and  dived  for  them.  A  minute  after  he  was  crawl- 
ing up  the  bank  the  wettest,  the  sickest  [great  laughter],  the  nastiest, 
the  most  muttonless  dog  that  ever  swam  ashore,  ((ireat  laughter  and 
applause.] 


r 


^ 


These  are  the  only 
Watches  made  contain- 
ing Pail  lard's  Patent 
Non  -  Magnetic  Balance 
and  Hair  Spring.  Every 
Watch  is  fully  warranted  ji 
and  is  uninfluenced  by  ji 
Magnetism  or  Electric-  \\ 
ity,  and  adjusted  to  heat  \\ 
and  cold. 


A 


^L 


?^r^^ 


K0N-M46NET(G 


r 


^ 


^ 


r 


CHE8 


^ 


For  Excellence  of 

finish, 

beauty,  strength  and 

durability  and 

accuracy  as 

timekeepers, 

they  are 

:  ■>UNSURPASSED,<- 


IF    YOU   ARE    IN    NEED    OF   A   WATCH   WHICH    WILL    KEEP    CORRECT    AND 

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These  Watches  are  made  in  all  styles  and  sizes,  cased  in 
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'}{yx///fMKyT:''J'V!TrH{'''>. 


CArTTnx— Sep  that  tlie  words  " Paillard's  Patent  Balance  and 

Spring'"  are  engraved  on  the  movement. 

FOR    SAf.F    RV    ATI.    T.FADTNG    JEWELERS. 


NEW-YORK  TRIBUNE. 


u^XjTTT-.^'S-S    the    -ift^IDX^OC-^TE    OF 


/ 


oh  Waoes 


FOR  LABOR 


AND    UNCOMPROMISING 


Protection  of  Every  American  Interest 

_a.gi--<9l.iitst    the  E  OI^Eia-nSTEK,,  .A.nsr3D 

PAYMENT    TO    UNION    VETERANS    OF    THE    UNPAID    DEBT   WHICH    IS   DUE  THEM. 
A   SPECIALTY  OF  THE  NEWS  OF  THE   REPUBLICAN  CLUBS  IN  THE  TRIBUNE. 

Sample  Copies  of  the  Paper,  free.     THE  WEEKLY,  $1.    SEMI-WEEKLY,  S2. 


Pamph>«* 

Binder 

Oaylord  Bro...  !■>«• 

SlocWton.  Calif. 
T    «I.R.l.U.S.P.tO(l- 


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